Tag Archives: ALBA

desde Argentina: No hay ninguna razón que justifique el reingreso de Honduras a la OEA

No hay ninguna razón que justifique el reingreso de Honduras a la OEA

 

Después del golpe de estado del 28 de junio, la comunidad internacional rechazó de diversas maneras al nuevo régimen. Una de estas formas fue la expulsión de Honduras de la OEA.

La ruptura del orden constitucional, las sistemáticas violaciones a los derechos humanos, la persecución a los medios de comunicación independientes, son motivos más que suficientes para realizarlo. Y más aún. Puede interpretarse el golpe de estado en Honduras, como un laboratorio en el que se ensayan las nuevas modalidades de contrainsurgencia, frente a gobiernos que desafían la hegemonía norteamericana en la región, a partir de su articulación en el ALBA, y en diversos mecanismos de integración, al margen de los mandatos de EE.UU.

Luego del golpe sucedió lo no calculado: el nacimiento de una resistencia popular masiva, enérgica, combativa, que en dos años no dejó de movilizarse, de salir a las calles, de pelear por cada uno de sus derechos.

Un pueblo en resistencia, que dio todo de sí, hasta la vida de muchos de sus hijos e hijas.

Asesinatos, amenazas, prisiones, exilio, pérdida de tierras, pérdida de derechos en todos los planos, son parte del proceso vivido a partir del gobierno de Micheletti primero, y de Porfirio Lobo ahora. De esto dan cuenta cabalmente todas las instancias internacionales de derechos humanos como la CIDH, Amnesty Internacional y la Comisión de Verdad, que han hecho –o están haciendo- informes sistemáticos y minuciosos sobre las violaciones a los derechos humanos.

El golpe de estado buscaba también detener el proceso que se abría ese 28 de junio, de profundización de la democracia a través de la Cuarta Urna, para la convocatoria a una Constituyente que pudiera abrir el camino a la Refundación de Honduras.

Hoy, a partir de los acuerdos de Cartagena de Indias, realizados entre los gobiernos de Colombia, Venezuela, y el régimen de Pepe Lobo –con el aval de Mel Zelaya y de una parte de la dirección del FNRP-, se pudo avanzar en la concreción de un hecho histórico: el retorno del exilio del presidente destituido por el golpe.

Sin embargo ese hecho no alcanza para revertir la caracterización del gobierno de Porfirio Lobo, como continuista de la política iniciada con el golpe de Estado.

No regresaron todos los exiliados y exiliadas, ni se abre paso al juicio y castigo a los responsables del golpe de estado y de las violaciones a los derechos humanos. Tampoco se crean condiciones para marchar hacia un proceso de Refundación de Honduras.

Por el contrario, se busca institucionalizar y dar gobernabilidad al régimen heredado del golpismo, en el que siguen amparados todos los personeros de la dictadura.

Es por ello que los movimientos sociales agrupados en el ALBA en Argentina,  rechazamos la decisión de la OEA de reintegrar a Honduras en su seno, y convocamos a los movimientos populares de toda América Latina a seguir demandando el fin de la impunidad, del militarismo, del golpismo, y a solidarizarse con la resistencia hondureña activamente.

Rechazamos la mediación del gobierno genocida de Juan Manuel Santos, en los acuerdos mal llamados “de reconciliación”.

¡Nunca más golpes de estado en América Latina!

Los pueblos no perdonamos a los golpistas, a los asesinos, a los que subordinan nuestros países a los dictados norteamericanos.

Los pueblos no nos reconciliamos con nuestros verdugos.

 

¡Honduras resiste con dignidad! ¡No están solos/as!


Movimientos Sociales del ALBA – Capítulo Argentino
Frente Darío Santillán – Movimiento Nacional Campesino Indígena – Juventud Rebelde 20 de diciembre – Grupo de Estudios de América Latina – Pañuelos en Rebeldía – Central de Trabajadores Argentinos CTA

2 de junio / 2011

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Filed under comunicados, derechos humanos & represion, ESPANOL, solidaridad internacional

Dr. Juan Almendares: The Biggest Embrace in History

Dionisia Diaz, the "Grandmother of the Resistance" in Tegucigalpa, September 23, 2009. Photo: Sandra Cuffe

Have you ever been inside an empty stadium? Try it sometime. Stand in the middle of the field and listen. There is nothing emptier than an empty stadium. There is nothing more silent than the stands with nobody in them”. – Eduardo Galeano

For the last five centuries the West and the hegemonic power of multinational colonization have been stealing the essence of life and the aroma of our Honduran lands. They were violent centuries, with massacres of the first peoples. Centuries of immolation and lies, in the name of the cross, “the idea of civilization” and weapons. Centuries antagonistic to the dreams of Lempira, Morazán, Bolívar, Valle and Martí. Centuries of resistance in historic unity by the peoples of Our America.

We were prisoners in the mining and banana enclaves. Wealth at the expense of hunger and misery. The forests were cut down. The mahogany was used to beautify the mansions in Europe, and adorn the doors of the White House in Washington. Agribusiness, agri-combustibles and the loss of alimentary sovereignty increased the treasures of Wall Street, and international financial capital. Honduras was born during the decadence of the old world and the emergence of the Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny. Invaded by marines and modern pirates, who sang in unison the chorus “In God We Trust” – in God and in the World Bank.

At the beginning of the second half of the 20th century, the 1954 banana workers’ strike took place. The army, guardians of the banana plantations, controlled by the Pentagon and the CIA, put an end to the workers’ movement and participated in the overthrow of the government of Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala.

In the 80s there is a military occupation of Honduras. The principal strategist, John Dimitri Negroponte, strengthened the National Security Doctrine. The disciples of the School of the Americas put into practice the torture and physical disappearance of people with the acquiescence of the state judicial apparatus.

Since 1956 until the present century, there have been: seven military coups, signifying seven plagues against national progress. The stigmas: “Banana Republic”, “Country for Rent” have injured the national soul. They are damned names that mask a history of crime, corruption and the negation of a people that have always struggled for liberation.

At the end of the 20th century we were hit by Hurricane Mitch; made worse by transnational financial capital that bribes the powers that be, sells territory to the mining companies, textile sweatshops, banana plantations, energy plants, that increase climatic injustice and social poverty.

Over all these centuries, of coups, blows, paquetazos and trancazos (economic packages and beatings), to the mother and fatherland, they have accumulated and assimilated their own experiences and those of other peoples. Unity is constructed in the honey of practice of the social being and in the hell of the condemned of mother earth.

We learn to reject the lies against the people and governments of Cuba, Ecuador, Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina, Venezuela, El Salvador, Nicaragua and the very government of Honduras presided over by Manuel Zelaya; because there is no bigger truth than the generous testimonies of unconditional solidarity in health, education, economy and transport; that we have received from these sister nations.

The Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) is the most concrete expression of human cooperation and fraternity in the face of the unequal trade agreements with the United States and Europe.

In the first decade of the 21st century, June 28th of 2009; the first political, economic and military coup in Latin America takes place, carried out by an armed, religious, political, ideological and media alliance of local powers in tandem with world imperialist powers.

The de facto regime celebrated its repressive power in the patriotic festivities of September 15th. The festivities reminded us of our infancy when we were forced to march in the parades. As children we were dressed in uniform and transformed into “infantry”. We gathered in the stadiums to be passive, tolerant listeners to the despot of the moment. These were like religious rites, football and military rituals, with their generals, captains, bishops, reverends and chaplains and somehow a bad imitation of the carnivals of New York or California.

The lead soldiers marched, the uniformed robots without their masks of crime, the tanks and the canons burned gun powder and shot false canon balls. The speeches were rusty and cheaply patriotic. They debuted maneuvers in F5 planes, the parachute show of a parachute government.

The aerial noise did not scare the vultures that share the misery of the children living in the garbage, vultures that fly making fun of the war planes. It was a Neronian circus with forced students and teachers, beaten and threatened. The horses and the cavalry greeted with honors their great perfumed chiefs in ties. The popular protest could never be heard in a sports stadium empty of all popular warmth.

The National Resistance Against the Military Coup marched challenging the de facto government; rejecting the electoral farce, demanding the return to constitutional order and of president Zelaya. The popular clamor was for a Constitutional Assembly, The Second Independence, and the re-founding of the State of Honduras.

Recognition was expressed of the solidarity of all the peoples and governments, social movements, parties, ecclesiastical communities, women´s organizations, gay groups, human rights organizations, social communicators, worldwide fast, Vía Campesina, Friends of the Earth of Latin America and International Friends of the Earth.

On September 15th millions of Hondurans marched against the military political coup. The popular joy announced a dawning of justice. The hummingbirds jumped for joy and bathed in the dew of the ALBA and savored the nectar of the dreams of liberation. The march was the Biggest Embrace in History, with which the people, poets of liberty, have become poets for all the people of the world.

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Filed under ENGLISH, human rights & repression, international solidarity, news & updates from Honduras

[en] Rights Action: Day 50, Honduran Coup Resistance

San Pedro Sula, August 11th. Photo: Sandra Cuffe

Day 50, Honduran Coup Resistance, August 16, 2009
(Alert#48)

BELOW:

  • Eyewitness report:  About orchestrated repression and violence, Wednesday, August 12th
  • Report: Attack Against Via Campesina Organization
  • Report: Coup regime takeover of Garifuna community hospital
  • National Front Against the Coup: the Elections Should Not Be Supported
  • Article: The Revolutionary Priest, Fausto Milla
  • Article: The coup in Honduras, “ALBA”, and the English-speaking Caribbean

AT BOTTOM:

  • to donate tax-deductible, urgently needed funds to pro-democracy movement in Honduras
  • what to do?
  • more information

Please re-distribute this information all around

To get on/ off Rights Action’s email list: http://www.rightsaction.org/lists/?p=subscribe&id=3/

* * *

EYEWITNESS REPORT – TEGUCIGALPA – WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 12th BRUTAL REPRESSION & INTIMIDATION

(Translated from a telephone report filed by Alexy Lanza at 9:35 pm Chicago time – translation by La Voz de los de Abajo)

Tear gas was fired directly into the crowds of protesters, rubber bullets and truncheons were used to disperse the thousands of Hondurans who had marched through the city to the National Congress today to protest against the coup and demand restitution of the constitutional government of Mel Zelaya.

There were many injuries and arrests – The soldiers and police, heavily armed and in full combat gear acting against unarmed men and women of all ages. In an unforgettable moment, I watched as a congressional Deputy from the anti-coup leftist party the Democratic Unification (UD), Marvin Ponce, was attacked by at least 12 policemen and brutally beaten. He was seriously injured and was taken to the hospital; witnesses reported that at the hospital the police continued to beat and torment Ponce, interfering with his medical treatment.

As the police increased their violent sweep of the area I joined the rest of the protesters in fleeing the area; trying to avoid arrest or beatings or worse. I made my way to the Francisco Morazan National Autonomous University, which has been held by the students as part of the anti-coup resistance for weeks. The University has also been an organizing center and has provided shelter for people coming in from the rural areas to join in the protest movement.

When I got to the University, people were trickling in from the downtown area. I saw one of the leaders from the Garifuna organization (OFRANEH) who told me almost that a large number of compañeros from their organization were detained in the repression at the Congress.
Suddenly a large number of heavily armed soldiers arrived and attacked with tear gas, and rubber bullets forcing their way into university. They began arresting and beating the students and were able to seize control of at least a large part of the university. As the attack continued, I was forced to run from the troops and got away.

Today’s mobilizations were the second day of massive peaceful marches that began yesterday. Thousands of Hondurans responded to the call for increased mobilization by walking for as many as 5 days from the farthest corners of rural Honduras in order to get to one of the two major cities, Tegucigalpa or San Pedro Zula. Yesterday’s protests were not repressed but today was another story. There have also been increasing attacks of the death-squad type. Today, I spoke with Rafael Alegria from Via Campesina in Honduras who told me that last night (August 11th) after the day of mobilizations, at about 11:30 pm, the Via Campesina center was riddled with bullets fired by men who pulled up in front of the center in a civilian SUV. No one was injured, but the message is clear.

Via Campesina is another organization that has offered its offices as an organizing center and shelter and Alegria has been detained and released and now has another threat of detention against him.

The defacto coup government and its military are increasing the violence again to try and do away with the resistance movement of the Honduran people who are the only real obstacle standing in the way of the oligarchy’s plans.

The National Front for Resistance Against the Coup has called for the mobilizations to continue tomorrow beginning at 8 am.

Everyone from the social organizations to the people in the streets who don’t belong to any organization, are calling for international solidarity to come to their aid in any way possible. They have been in the struggle for more than 40 days and need all of our help to continue.

(Alexy Lanza lives in Chicago and is a member of La Voz de los de Abajo, Casa Morazan and Producciones EN EL OJO-independent media)

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COUP REGIME TAKEOVER OF INDIGENOUS GARIFUNA COMMUNITY HOSPITAL

From: MEDICC Atlanta <admin1@mediccglobal.org>
Date: Tue, 11 Aug 2009 09:08:06 -0400 (EDT)

August 11 – Despite objections by local Garifuna communities, Honduras’ defacto government is moving to take over the first and only Garifuna-managed hospital in the country, ousting its current staff.

The facility – built by Dr. Luther Castillo, other Garifuna doctors, local architects, and the communities themselves – is located in the remote coastal municipality of Iriona.

Last week, says Dr. Castillo, the defacto ministry of health notified hospital staff that the facility was being downgraded to a health center “under new management”. “They told us that the Garifuna staff-both doctors and locally-trained nurses aides-will be fired,” he told MEDICC. “These measures would condemn to death many of our old and seriously ill people, and stop all outreach and prevention services.”

However, he said the staff is staying put, and vows to continue working, even without the small stipend the government had provided in the past and with no guarantee of medicines or vital supplies.

“We will not abandon our people,” said Dr. Castillo. “These are the poorest of the poor, the invisible poor. They are the real victims of the coup,” he told MEDICC.”And they are the reason so many of our young people decided to become doctors in the first place.”

Some 300 representatives of local Garifuna governments gathered last week to support the hospital and its staff, and have declared they will not recognize the defacto government’s takeover move.

The Garifuna hospital officially opened in December 2007, under an agreement with the government of President Manuel Zelaya, and in accordance with an International Labor Organization covenant that supports locally-managed health services for indigenous and tribal peoples.

Since then, according to Dr. Castillo, the ten Garifuna doctors staffing the hospital have treated over 175,000 cases. The physicians – all graduates of the Latin American Medical School in Havana – attend patients at outlying clinics and on regular home visits. The original government agreement permitted this medically underserved region to rely on hospital services, including birthing, surgeries, hospitalization, dental care and laboratory tests.

TAKE ACTION NOW!

MEDICC is joining other U.S. organizations to stand with the staff and over 30,000 patients of the only Garifuna Community Hospital in Honduras.  Here’s what you can do:

1) DONATE to keep the hospital alive. Your donation to Honduras’ First Garifuna Hospital will help pay small stipends to physicians and nurses’ aides, and help stock the hospital with essential medicines and supplies. (Donate Here <https://secure.groundspring.org/dn/index.php?aid=18349>)

2) SPEAK UP! Take this message to your city council, labor union, student or professional organization, asking them to pass a resolution in support of the Garifuna Indigenous Hospital in Honduras. Send these resolutions to us, and publicize them in your local media and on the web.

3) GET READY TO GO on a delegation to Honduras as a “Witness for Health” to help guarantee the safety and rights of the Garifuna hospital staff. More information coming soon.

4) Urge the US government to act: Contact the White House, the State Department and your Congressional representatives. Press them to use the US government’s influence to guarantee respect for the lives of Dr. Castillo, his colleagues and all those protesting the coup. State Department: 202-647-4000 or 1-800-877-8339. White House: Comments: 202-456-1111, Switchboard: 202-456-1414.

Contact your Senators here: www.senate.gov/general/contact_information/senators_cfm.cfm <http://rs6.net/tn.jsp?et=1102666071232&s=3305&e=001Ba222MrT3bL3qaxf3r9E0Xv2SNrnU66fP82Mje-xb9LBZ4sdWxQqrKb7Q_neY3g5S-BrNQWtQf9ZUUuONGyippX02Z_DGDEiuN0QHO4_wKkYnpBtGHVnNWgOr0093RDeqWFJDkqoMU0XXpt-uACBubCnpNvrsC6ukdyOBcOWWm_9F6aO80tcUg==>

Contact your Congresspeople here: https://writerep.house.gov/writerep/welcome.shtml <https://writerep.house.gov/writerep/welcome.shtml>

5) Keep Honduras in the public eye: Circulate this alert widely. GO ON THE WEB: use your blogs, listservs and networks to get the word out.

MORE BACKGROUND

Since 1999, Luther Castillo has directed the Luaga Hatuadi Waduheñu Foundation (“For the Health of our People” in Garifuna), dedicated to bringing vital health services to isolated indigenous coastal communities. After his 2005 graduation from the Latin American Medical School in Havana, Dr. Castillo returned to the Honduran coast, where he led construction of Honduras’ first Garifuna Rural Hospital, now serving some 30,000 in the surrounding communities. The hospital opened in December 2007, just months after Dr. Castillo was named “Honduran Doctor of the Year” by Rotary International’s Tegucigalpa chapter. “Thank you for inspiring me,” said California Lieutenant Governor John Garamendi, speaking at the hospital’s opening ceremony.

The hospital and its community health outreach are supported by a number of U.S. and other international organizations, including the Sacramento, California Central Labor Council, Global Links, The Birthing Project, and MEDICC.  Several US medical schools also have cooperative arrangements with the Garifuna hospital, including Johns Hopkins, Emory, Charles Drew and University of California (SF). Eight Cuban physicians and nurses also provide specialized services and academic training at the hospital.

A few weeks before the coup, Dr. Castillo was named director of International Cooperation in the Honduran Foreign Ministry. Since July 3rd, he has been included on a list of persons whose lives and safety were declared “at risk” by the OAS Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

Dr. Castillo is featured in ¡Salud! (www.saludthefilm.net <http://www.saludthefilm.net/> ), a documentary film that received the Council on Foundations Henry Hampton Award for Excellence in Film  Digital Media (USA).

MEDICC (Medical Education Cooperation with Cuba), www.medicc.org <http://www.medicc.org/> , is a US non-governmental organization working to enhance cooperation among the U.S., Cuban and global health communities aimed at better health outcomes.

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ATTACK AGAINST OFFICES OF VÍA CAMPESINA, August 12th 2009
From: Phil Stuart C [mailto:fcstuartca@yahoo.ca]

Below is an urgent appeal from Via Campesina regarding a steep, brutal escalation of death squad killings and military-police repression against grassroots organizations and leaders, ordered by the coup regime.

This ferocious escalation of the repression can have many intended and unintended consequences, and brings the Honduran crisis to new levels of danger to peace in the region, and to a complete smashing of democratic rights.

The National Resistance Front, and the Zelayist government in exile are now calling on Washington and the OAS not to recognize the legitimacy and outcome of any elections scheduled by the coup regime.

This appears to reflect a growing fear both within Honduras and across Latin America and the Caribbean that the coup regime can and may hold on the power, mainly because Washington fears what would happen in the power vacuum that could ensue if the Arias Plan to return Zelaya to office, but not to power, is executed.

Rights Action will very likely file a report on these highly inflamable events tomorrow. Check their website if you want more information: at http://rightsaction.org/

Stay alert. Felipe Stuart

ATTACK AGAINST OFFICES OF VÍA CAMPESINA, August 12th 2009

Last night at 11:23 pm, during curfew which began at 10pm, unknown individuals driving a cream colour Toyota Turismo with the license plate PCA1981 fired bullets at the office of Vía Campesina, located in the Alameda neighbourhood of Tegucigalpa, Honduras which is coordinated by Rafael Alegría.

The act was a clear attack against our social organizations and leaders who are part of the National Front Against the Coup.

In addition to the recent attack on Vía Campesina, a bomb capable of killing 15 people went off in the building of the Beverage Workers Union (STIBYS, by its Spanish initials) on July 26th 2009. Both organizations are part of the National Front Against the Coup.

We condemn this incident given that the activities of Vía Campesina and the National Front Against the Coup are completely peaceful. It is important to mention that during curfew only police are permitted to be in the street.

Vía Campesina of Honduras calls for support from national and international human rights organizations to remain attentive and to continue following attacks taking place not only against these organizations and their leadership, but also against the human rights of the entire Honduran people and all those who have been protesting in the streets against the coup for the last 46 days.

Rafael Alegría comments, “People’s rights are being violated and it’s a truly unfortunate situation at the moment. People have been wounded, jailed and killed.”

According to a preliminary report from lawyers assisting the National Front Against the Coup today, hundreds of people were wounded and more than forty people detained following violence occurring after a peaceful mass mobilization in the capital city on Tuesday. The group of lawyers is seeking the liberation of those arrested through Habeas Corpus. The leadership of the Front insists that the disturbances were carried out by people who were not part of the protest, but rather infiltrators interested in provoking confrontations and disparaging the peaceful protests that the Front has been mobilizing.

The people detained are accused of rebellion, terrorism and treason among other crimes.

Alegría emphasizes that “The National Front Against the Coup is not responsible for these incidents. On principle the front supports peaceful marches, peaceful demands and peaceful mobilization. At no point do we use or call for violent acts. It appears that these incidents are the responsibility of groups interested in ruining the social mobilization and they have taken it upon themselves to provoke this situation for which we categorically deny any responsibility.”

Given what has taken place in the last 24 hours, Vía Campesina of Honduras calls out to the entire Vía Campesina network, social movements, as well as national and international human rights organizations to send messages or delegations in solidarity with the resistance against the coup and for the defence of human rights in Honduras, and to assist in bringing about an end to so much injustice and violence against the Honduran people.

Please send complaints and messages of solidarity to the following addresses:

Coronel Jorge Rodas Gamero
Fax: (504) 237-9070/ 220-55-47
E-mail:
sseg.06@hotmail.com

Lcda. Sandra Ponce, Fiscal Especial de Derechos Humanos
Tegucigalpa, Honduras
Fax: (504) 221-3656
E-mail:
ponce10s@yahoo.com.ar

Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CODEH)
President Andrés Pavón
E-mail:
andres@codeh.hn, codeh@codeh.hn

The Committee of Relatives of People Detained-Disappeared in Honduras
(COFADEH), Coordinadora Bertha Oliva
E-mail:
mail@cofadeh.org

Vía Campesina of Honduras
E-mail:
laviacampesina@cablecolor.hn

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THE ELECTIONS ARE ILLEGAL

TEGUCIGALPA, August 12.— The National Front Against the Coup d´Etat in Honduras condemned the electoral process now taking place in the country with the support of the de facto government, and said it was illegal, Prensa Latina news agency reported today.

For the social organizations united in the struggle against the regime of Roberto Micheletti, these elections make no sense, after the violent expulsion from the country of Manuel Zelaya, a president who had been elected constitutionally.

The restitution of Zelaya in his post, the people’s movement says, is the only way to validate the results of the elections, with the supervision and acknowledgement of the international community.

The presidential candidate for the Democratic Unification Party, Deputy César Ham, invited the people to unite and take part in the elections, as a way to defeat the coup supporters. He also said he was willing to renounce his candidacy if it were necessary to achieve this objective.

Due to their position regarding the complot that overthrew Zelaya, many Hondurans consider Elvin Santos, candidate of the Liberal Party, and Porfirio Lobo, candidate of the National Party, as coup supporters.

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THE CARDINAL OF THE HONDURAN POOR CLAIMS THE RIGHT TO INSURRECTION

http://iglesiadescalza.blogspot.com/2009/08/cardinal-of-honduran-poor-claims-right.html
Thursday, August 13, 2009

My fellow blogger, Hermano Juancito, has already picked up on this story which I had gathered from Adital about the march and open air Mass celebrated on August 11th in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, by Fr. Fausto Milla.

Daniel Valencia (translation by Rebel Girl)
El Faro Digital, August 12, 2009

In the central park of San Pedro Sula nobody in the crowd could sing “La marcha de la unidad” (“The march of unity”) completely because they did not know the lyrics. So, dissimulating, this Tuesday the 11th they hummed in anticipation of the excitement that would thunder out seconds later in the most famous line of that song. And when it came time to sing, many showed that they were not very able at left-wing paraphernalia and wrongly raised the right fist instead of the left one.

At that rally, on the dais, without raising his fists, but forcefully holding a microphone with both hands, an old man of 81, a Honduran with Spanish roots, tall, white skin tanned by the sun and wearing a white cassock with a pink stole, screamed out the chorus at the top of his lungs without any complex: “The people united will never be defeated!”

Coming from a priest and not real politician, it becomes more important. At least that’s what more than 10,000 demonstrators believed, those who accompanied Father Fausto Milla – “the shepherd of the poor”, as his followers call him here — in taking over the center of the second largest city in Honduras, San Pedro Sula. The gathering took place in the park, opposite the cathedral in that city.

That type of behavior is what his followers appreciate, and they let it be known. “Here is our archbishop, the archbishop of the poor and not the rich. Out with Rodríguez Maradiaga, out with the coup leaders!,” shouted a man from the center of 3rd Avenue, the road that separates the central park from cathedral, which was guarded by about 100 “chepos” (riot police) who trembled at the sight of that wall of people in front of them.

The man contrasted Milla and Honduran Cardinal Oscar Rodriguez Maradiaga, who almost immediately after the coup was branded as a coup backer by supporters of deposed president Manuel Zelaya.

Then, before the inflamed crowd, to calm the situation — the crowd was already receiving the first news of the disturbances in Tegucigalpa, where supporters of the Resistance had set fire to a Popeyes restaurant and a bus on Avenida Juan Pablo Segundo — Milla raised his voice and said: “Brothers, let us make peace and not violence. Repression can only be fought and overcome through peace. Here we do not have to face the oppressive families, we do not have any famous last names. The police are our brothers, they are López, they are Ramos, they are Pérez,” he told them, prior to an outdoor Mass, since the cathedral was closed and guarded by police.

Milla, along with a large group of people appeared marching along 3rd Avenue at 4 pm. The priest had walked from Santa Rosa de Copán, where he is pastor, and along the way he joined the marches that came to the city from the  villages of Yoro, Colón, Atlántida, Ocotepeque, Lempira, Santa Bárbara and Cortez.

Before their arrival, San Pedro residents allied with the Resistance had come to the central plaza of the city, and they waited with a meal, water and food for the demonstrators who also marched from Progreso, Lima and Ceiba.

THE REVOLUTIONARY PRIEST

Fausto Milla has been in hiding, according to some supporters of the Resistance. The priest, however, though he confesses that he has received many threats, has always been where you can find him: in his church, in his territory rich in indigenous, peasant culture.

Since the coup, Milla has been one of the main Catholic religious leaders who has criticized — and condemned — the “abuses” in the interior regions of the country, and who has publicly opposed the position of the highest leader of the Catholic Church, Cardinal Rodriguez Maradiaga.

And Milla’s position was not born at this juncture. During the seventies and eighties, while defending the rights of indigenous peasants, Milla endured persecution from the Honduran army in his Corquín parish in Santa Rosa de Copán.

In his curriculum vitae prepared by the NGO Comunicación Comunitaria it is written that he was among the first priests to publicly denounce the Río Sumpul Massacre, which occurred in El Salvador on May 14, 1980. According to Milla, both the Honduran and Salvadoran armies participated in that massacre.

As he did then, today Milla insists that the true Church is in the people, not in churches or cathedrals, and so, he says, he defends the people. A people that deserves to have their stolen sovereignty returned to them. “I have been a Honduran for 81 years. And I have lived and seen many things, but never anything comparable to what we are all seeing this day,” said Milla, at the beginning of his message.

“When there is inequality there is no freedom,” he added. “And this people is no longer fighting a civil war between supporters of two political parties. This people is in a fight to achieve this equality, generated by those oppressors who have robbed us now of what we have the most right to: sovereignty. They are criminals, and I am not the one who says it, Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution say it: the people are sovereign, whoever steals that sovereignty is a traitor to the motherland, he is a criminal!”

Then, raising his voice even louder, the priest threw out the message that received ovations from the protesters: “Some of those who participated in the drafting of the Constitution have told me that they now regret having written Article 3, because Article 3 calls for insurrection, brothers, for returning this sovereignty to the people of Honduras from whom it has been stolen!”

The action lasted about 30 minutes more, because a torrential rain fell on the city. And as the city has no drainage, right in the center, around the plaza, the river of people in San Pedro Sula had to face a river of water.

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THE COUP IN HONDURAS, ALBA, AND THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING CARIBBEAN

by Faiz Ahmed, MRZine [http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/ahmed130809.html]

The military coup carried out by masked soldiers in the early hours of June 28 against the democratically elected President of Honduras, José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, was a bandit act with differing messages intended for different audiences.

One such audience is the oligarchical groupings throughout the hemisphere, who will be emboldened by Washington’s tacit tolerance of the coup makers. Another audience is the Latin American leftist and popular governments, who are being told that their agendas can be trumped by non-democratic means.

And there is yet another audience: the predominantly English-speaking Caribbean governments who, like Zelaya, are far from ideologically opposed to capitalism, but are aware of their inability to improve the overall quality of life of their societies within capitalism’s current configuration.

As a result, many of these island governments are edging towards regional agreements based on principles antithetical to the capitalist system.

This is perhaps why English-speaking Caribbean nations account for ten of the eighteen countries participating in the Venezuelan-led regional agreement PetroCaribe.  Launched in 2005, PetroCaribe enables Caribbean governments to purchase oil and natural gas on terms that allow for the financing of upwards of 60 percent of the costs over a twenty-five year period at interest rates close to one percent.

Also included in the agreement are mechanisms to finance costs associated with building energy infrastructure projects such as refineries and fuel storage facilities, as well as costs of fertilizer purchases to increase food production.

These Caribbean countries typically have been grappling with debt-to-GDP ratios ranging between 50 percent and 150 percent for the better part of the past two decades.  They are economically dependent on tourism and the export of a very narrow range of agricultural commodities and natural resources.

They remain highly vulnerable to the effects of hurricanes, tropical storms, sea level rises, and climate change.  As a result, this new ability to finance a large portion of their energy requirements creates much needed economic space to pursue domestic agendas which, among other objectives, include: creating national food security; repairing and maintaining physical infrastructure such as roadways and airports; and strengthening social services such as healthcare and education.

Or more simply, building some degree of self-sufficiency, albeit within a program that does not deviate from a capitalist approach to development.

The ability to more freely pursue their domestic agendas is the main reason why, over the past eighteen months, three English-speaking Caribbean states have developed a rather perspicacious outlook and become members of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA — an acronym that also means “dawn”).  In their view, the regional bloc is not oriented towards a competitive model that exploits weaknesses but is instead an example of a cooperative model that creates space for states to cultivate some degree of self-sufficiency.

The coup against Zelaya, the utterly illegal removal of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide five and a half years before that, and the short-lived coup against Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez two years before that all show that international capitalism cannot tolerate any domestic agenda which includes an objective of self-sufficiency.  Added to this intolerance is capitalism’s long-standing fear of the threat of a good example.

Located in the Eastern Caribbean, the three English-speaking states of Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines form one-third of the nine-member ALBA.  In fact, these islands are also members of three other important regional blocs, namely: the fifteen-member Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the twelve-member Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME), and the nine-member Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS).

All of these groupings, composed mainly of English-speaking Caribbean islands, have done much to create a unified relationship among its members.  As such, the experiences of Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines within ALBA will undoubtedly be watched by other islands in the region.

Each of these islands has been trying to mitigate the myriad challenges facing them over the past two decades, yet are experiencing very little success, as demonstrated by their weakening economies, degrading environments, and alarmingly, declining social indicators such as mortality.

By one measure, life expectancy in the English-speaking Caribbean has fallen by four years over the past decade.1

ALBA AND THE ROAD TO SELF-SUFFICIENCY

Alongside the commitment to facilitate cooperative development, ALBA’s strength lies in its ability to identify member-states’ weaknesses within capitalism and devise projects to mitigate and overcome their challenges.

This analytical quality has allowed for the emergence of a large number of projects organized under ALBA’s four main institutions: the ALBA Oil Agreement, the Bank of ALBA, the ALBA Peoples’ Trade Agreement, and the ALBA Cultural and Sport Initiative.

The sometimes overlapping projects are in various stages of development and implementation and are free to be used or ignored, at will, by any member state.

ALBA Oil Agreement

Modeled on the principles governing PetroCaribe, the ALBA Oil Agreement is a mechanism for member states to finance their oil purchases on a long-term, low-interest basis, of which a portion can be repaid in goods and services.  For countries in the Caribbean, whose annual energy costs represent expenditures between 15 percent and 30 percent of their GDPs, the agreement is quite attractive.

Furthermore, and similar to what exists under PetroCaribe, infrastructure projects designed to facilitate or increase oil delivery, oil storage capacity, and oil refining capabilities have been undertaken, all of which have the explicit goal of reducing the overall cost of each barrel of oil these countries import.

Also within the ALBA Oil Agreement is a project that sees 25 percent of every oil receipt accumulate in what has come to be known as the ALBA fund, which is designed to be loaned to member states to pursue social development projects.

Bank of ALBA

In line with the objectives of the ALBA fund, and probably because of the example set by the fund, the Bank of ALBA was established in 2008 to offer member states access to capital to pursue social development projects.  Although the Bank has a total capitalization of only a small fraction of the value of other regional multilateral lending institutions, it offers a far more egalitarian governance structure, exampled by a rotating directorship among member states, and a decision-making structure where each member has an equally weighted vote.

Established in the shadow of the ongoing global food crisis, the Bank’s first projects have been the establishment of a food-distribution company tasked with creating an efficient distribution network between member states and a regional food-production fund meant to be allocated to member states to assist them with domestic agricultural initiatives.

Both projects have an explicit goal of creating some degree of regional food security.

ALBA Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA-TCP)

Devised to coordinate the trading of goods and services within the bloc, ALBA-TCP outlines the specific obligations in the form of actions to be taken by each participating member state.

The actions stipulated in the agreement attempt to locate areas of need within each participating state and then to match these areas with goods and services available in partnering member states. The result is a series of bilateral agreements between participating member state.

To date, only Bolivia, Cuba, and Venezuela are active in ALBA-TCP.

ALBA Cultural and Sport Initiative

The ALBA Cultural and Sport Initiative takes the form of developing localized independent media outlets and cultivating cultural exchange through sport.  The most developed of these initiatives is the ALBA Games project, which has been held on a biannual basis since 2005 and is meant to facilitate competition and training among the hundreds of athletes from around the world who participate.

There are very good reasons to project that, left unmolested, ALBA has the potential to offer Caribbean states a space where self-sufficiency can be striven for.  An appealing quality of ALBA and its sister initiatives such as PetroCaribe is that they do not have political strings attached to them.

Countries are signing on because the regional arrangements primarily offer economic flexibility.  Countries are able to follow development paths of their choosing, which in the Caribbean still seem to be a Keynesian-inspired form of state-capitalism.  For most countries in the region, this means establishing a much greater degree of self-sufficiency, in the form of food security, social development, and economic growth.

In keeping with imperialism’s sordid history, the reactionary forces in Honduras have demonstrated the lengths to which they are prepared to go to obstruct any goal of self-sufficiency that excludes oligarchical domination.  The government of Zelaya was not revolutionary.  However, it was looking to better the lives of the people who elected it and saw that ALBA was one mechanism by which it could fulfill this objective.

This is precisely why the coup against the democratically elected government of Honduras is rightly being seen as a threat against the bloc, and it should also be seen as a threat against like-minded governments throughout the region, who are slowly edging towards ALBA.

Life expectancy estimates for the English-speaking Caribbean were taken from United Nations Human Development Reports.  Taken in the aggregate, life expectancies in the region have fallen by roughly 6 months over the past decade.  However, when the populations of these islands are assigned values based on their proportion to the entire population of the English-speaking Caribbean, we see that life expectancies have fallen by 4 years.

(Faiz Ahmed is a doctoral student in sociology and focuses on the study of islands and the political economy of capitalist-led sustainable development plans.  His master’s thesis titled “An Examination of the Development Path Taken by Small Island Developing States” can be downloaded at <www.islandvulnerability.org/m/ahmedm.pdf>.  A shorter version of this article was recently presented to the Coalición Venezuela Estamos Contigo / Venezuela We Are With You Coalition of Toronto.)

* * *

WHAT TO DO

TO DONATE TAX-DEDUCTIBLE FUNDS TO PRO-DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN HONDURAS, MAKE CHECK TO “RIGHTS ACTION” AND MAIL TO:

UNITED STATES:  Box 50887, Washington DC, 20091-0887
CANADA:  552-351 Queen St. E, Toronto ON, M5A-1T8
CREDIT-CARD DONATIONS:
http://rightsaction.org/contributions.htm

For foundations and institutional donors, Rights Action can – upon request – provide a full proposal of which organizations and people we are channeling funds to and supporting.

AMERICANS AND CANADIANS SHOULD CONTACT YOUR OWN MEDIA, MEMBERS OF CONGRESS, SENATORS & MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT – EVERY DAY, DAY AFTER DAY – TO DEMAND:

  • an end to police, army and para-military repression and respect for safety and human rights of all Hondurans
  • unequivocal denunciation of the military coup
  • no recognition of this military coup and the ‘de facto’ government of Roberto Micheletti
  • no recognition of the November 2009 elections, that candidates are campaigning for, even as the country is militarized and repression is widespread
  • unconditional return of the entire constitutional government of President Zelaya
  • concrete and targeted economic, military and diplomatic sanctions against the coup plotters and perpetrators
  • application of international and national justice against the coup plotters
  • reparations for the illegal actions and rights violations committed during this illegal coup

FOR MORE INFORMATION:

Karen Spring (Rights Action) in Honduras: [504]9507-3835, spring.kj@gmail.com
Grahame Russell (Rights Action), in USA: 1-860-352-2448,
info@rightsaction.org
Sandra Cuffe (journalist & activist) in Honduras: [504]9525-6778,
sandra.m.cuffe@gmail.com

See Rights Action’s previous Honduras Coup Alerts: www.rightsaction.org

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[es] OFRANEH: XI cumbre de Tuxtla: El Proyecto Mesoamerica y el golpe de estado en Honduras

Cayo Chachahuate. Foto: Sandra Cuffe[Ninas en el Cayo Chachahuate con elementos de la fuerza naval en el fondo, durante la lucha de la comunidad Garifuna y la OFRANEH en contra de la militarizacion del cayo. Foto: Sandra Cuffe]

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XI cumbre de Tuxtla : El Proyecto Mesoamérica y el golpe de estado en Honduras

El día de hoy inicia en Guanacaste, Costa Rica, una cumbre más del fallido Plan Puebla Panamá, rebautizado como Proyecto Mesoamerica, ante el enorme descrédito creado por la falacia del desarrollo neoliberal y el incremento del abismo entre las clases sociales de del istmo centroamericano y México , producto de la estrategia económica exógena impuesta  desde el norte.

Los cinco corredores que pretende abarcar más de 13.000 kilómetros  y según los diseñadores del proyecto propiciarán la conectividad y competitividad de la región, ponen en peligro los hábitats de la mayoría de los pueblos indígenas de mesoamerica.

El fallido Plan Puebla Panamá despertó ilusiones entre los creyentes en el “desarrollo” basado en un modelo capitalista de la explotación irracional de los recursos y la exclusión social.

Uno de los mayores señuelos de la administración del expresidente Fox, fue la instalación de una refinería en Centroamérica, que nunca llegó a concretarse, ante el declive de producción de hidrocarburos en ese país, el que supuestamente supliría el petróleo necesario.

El Proyecto Mesoamérica es la zanahoria que viene acompañada de un garrote denominado la Iniciativa Mérida, versión local del Plan Colombia. Narcotráfico y maras se han convertido en el pretexto para la militarización paulatina del istmo, siendo que los dos problemas traen un rotulo visible que dice “made in usa”.

En la cumbre de Guanacaste el tema del golpe de Honduras será parte del menú obligatorio. El aberrante golpe de estado y la intervención de los Estados Unidos evidencia la pugna existente entre el Proyecto Mesoamericana  y la Alianza Bolivariana para las Américas (ALBA).

La adhesión de Colombia al Proyecto Mesoamérica  y su plan de implementación de proyectos de biocombustible, ponen de manifiesto una visión de destrucción de los remanentes de  bosque tropical y de los humedales, además del desplazamiento de las poblaciones locales, acompañadas por una política de “parademocracia” que tantas víctimas humanas a cobrado el régimen de Uribe.

En Guanacaste esperamos que saldrán a relucir no sólo las fallas e imprudencias del fallido y resucitado Plan Puebla Panamá, sino también la confrontación que vive nuestro continente en contra del neocolonialismo del siglo XXI y sus recetas represivas. Al  mismo tiempo los fervientes seguidores del neoliberalismo trataran de darle un maquillaje de institucionalización al Proyecto Mesoamérica, a través de la creación de marcos jurídicos que se obviaron con la iniciativa de Fox.

Para la OFRANEH y el pueblo garífuna, el Proyecto Mesoamérica no es más que una  intervención en nuestro territorio, y en la actualidad vemos como uno de sus proyectos, financiado por el Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID), está finiquitando el humedal de Laguna de Micos en la Bahía de Tela, colocando en peligro a las comunidades circunvecinas con el relleno de 80 hectáreas del humedal; situación que exacerbada por el cambio climático traerá posibles inundaciones fatales para nuestras comunidades.

La ausencia de verdaderos procesos de consulta y la utilización de ONG’s prepago para maquillar el autoritarismo con que se han impuesto muchos de los proyectos del corredor caribe, demuestran la visión de exclusión de los pueblos indígenas en el ya de por sí fracasado Plan Puebla Panamá.

La Ceiba, Atlantida, a los 29 días del mes de julio de 2009

OFRANEH

Organización Fraternal Negra Hondureña, OFRANEH
Teléfono (504) 4420618, (504) 4500058
Av 14 julio, calle 19, Contiguo Vivero Flor Tropical, Barrio Alvarado, La Ceiba, Honduras
email:garifuna@ofraneh.org, ofraneh@yahoo.com

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[es] OFRANEH: La Clinton y su golpe de estado de tercera generacion en Honduras

OFRANEH en lucha... 4 de julio 2009. Foto: Sandra Cuffe

La Clinton y su golpe de estado  de tercera generación en Honduras.

A partir del 28 de junio en Honduras se ha dado un salto atrás histórico, revertiendo el país a la infortunada época de las botas militares como eje de gobernanza y destierro de los derechos humanos.

El golpe de estado se encuentra enraizado en la política de los neocon(servadores) de la época del régimen Bush, los que comenzaron desde hace años una ofensiva para frenar al movimiento social latinoamericano y los logros que han obtenido en el continente.

No obstante el supuesto cambio político acontecido en los Estados Unidos, su estrategia en el manejo de sus relaciones con las consideradas colinas de ultramar, no ha sido alterado;  y lo que se ha establecido como su inclinación por “las guerras preventivas”, en este caso se redujo a un golpe de estado preventivo, con una aroma de intervención en los asuntos internos de Honduras, de parte  del Departamento de Estado y el Pentágono.

Después de las reacciones iniciales de repudio al golpe de parte de Barack Obama y las titubeantes declaraciones de Hillary Clinton, la que no se atrevió a declarar los acontecimientos como un golpe de estado, quedó en el aire la ambigüedad del gobierno de Estados Unidos, y las dudas sobre su participación en el golpe de estado se incrementaron.

Honduras posee una dramática historia hilada a través de una serie de golpes de estado e intervenciones de Estados Unidos. En el corazón del país se encuentra la base militar estadounidense Soto Cano, la cual cuenta con la presencia de más de 600 efectivos estadounidenses y la pista más larga del istmo centroamericano. Honduras en tope de todo, se prestó para convertirse en una punta de lanza de  imperio con el propósito de atacar a Nicaragua durante la década  de los años 80, siendo la Base Soto Cano un legado de esa guerra fratricida.

El Presidente Manuel Zelaya aceptó de buena fe a instancias de la Sra. Clinton la mediación del Presidente costarricense Oscar Arias, abriendo un interregno  de negociaciones, que se convirtió en una compra de tiempo para ratificar a los golpistas y  esperar diluir el movimiento social que ha respaldado de forma persistente y heroica el retorno a la institucionalidad.

Sin embargo las supuestas negociaciones han estado plagadas de contradicciones e intervenciones de parte de la Sra. Clinton y sus agentes. En la primera ronda de negociaciones en San José, el Sr Bennett Ratcliff fue consultado paso a paso por la delegación golpista (1), mientras Lanny Davis fue contratado por empresarios hondureños para efectuar un cabildeo en Washington a favor del gobierno de facto. Existe la enorme casualidad que tanto Ratcliff como Davis son abogados cercanos a Hillary Clinton, destacándose Davis durante la campa del 2008 como un especialista en atacar a Barack Obama (2).

El golpe  de estado ha sido categorizado por  los golpista como una sucesión constitucional, abriendo puertas a una  nueva modalidad de golpe. Si en el siglo XIX, con la creación de las nacientes repúblicas en América Latina, se dio lugar a un caudillismo que ha sido retratado a la saciedad por nuestra imaginativa literatura, polongándose  hasta la figura del despótico Augusto Pinochet, ya para las postrimerías del siglo XX se presenta los golpes de segunda generación, tal como el efectuado por Alberto Fujimori en 1992, cuando cerró el Congreso en el Peru, acción imitada un año después por Elias Serrano en Guatemala.

El caso de Honduras puede dar inicio a una nueva tendencia, golpes de estado de tercera generación o preventivos, fraguados por el poder judicial en contubernio con el legislativo y por supuesto con la venia de los militares. Esta estrategia sería determinante para frenar los logros sociales que se vienen cosechando en el continente y destruir el bloque económico que surge con el ALBA, específicamente en países  con enorme potencial energético.

Las violaciones sistemáticas a los los derecho humanos, acompañados por un estado de sitio que ha durado practicante un mes, y la denegación al derecho a la movilidad que se está dando en la frontera con Nicaragua, además de la cacería humana de los manifestantes que apoyan al depuesto presidente, es una responsabilidad directa del gobierno estadounidense, en especial de la Sra Hillary  Clinton, la cual parece estar pasando una cuenta personal sobre la actitud asumida por Mel Zelaya y el Estado de Honduras en la última reunión del OEA en San Pedro Sula, un mes antes del golpe, en la cual el organismo interamericano finalmente corrigió su nefasta política hacia Cuba.

Los día pasan y el pueblo hondureño continua demostrando su repudio a los golpistas, pequeña oligarquía y por ende a las políticas imperialistas de los Estados Unidos. Es hora que la administración Clinton-Obama asuma responsabilidad de los hechos y aclare de una vez por todas su posición.  Los golpes de estado no generan la confianza de los pueblos y destruyen cualquier posibilidad de acercamiento a América Latina. Los días de la hegemonía han caducado y el imperio puede comenzar a recibir en su seno a la serie de torturadores y saqueadores de turno que nos han impuesto durante el último siglo.

(1) http://www.dailykos.com/story/2009/7/14/04917/9270
(2) http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/13/world/americas/13honduras.html

Dado en La Ceiba, a los 27 días de Julio de 2009

OFRANEH

OFRANEH
Organizacion Fraternal Negra Hondureña
Calle 19, #130.
La Ceiba, Atlantida,
Honduras
telefax: 504-4420618
email:garifuna@ofraneh.org/ ofraneh@yahoo.com

[foto: OFRANEH en lucha. 4 de julio del 2009. Tegucigalpa. Foto por Sandra Cuffe.]

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[en] Dominion: Five things the Corporate Media doesn’t want you to know about the Coup in Honduras

[posted by Dawn Paley: http://www.dominionpaper.ca/weblogs/dawn/2795%5D

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3685604935_59370fc49d.jpg

1. It was a military coup carried out on behalf of corporate, national and transnational elites. “Restoring Democracy” though a military coup is akin to bombing your way to peace.

2. Coup participants were trained by the CIA and at the School of the Americas. Reactionary, anti-democratic US training grounds such as these are responsible for mass murder throughout the Americas.

3. President Mel Zelaya is a centrist, and his movements towards the “left,” such as joining the ALBA trade block, are a result of massive popular pressure for change.

4. The constitutional referendum was not focused on extending Zelaya’s term limit. The referendum on the constitution marked the beginning of a popular process of participative democracy, which is extremely threatening to local and transnational elites.

5. Transnational corporations support the coup. Goldcorp has been bussing employees to pro-coup marches, other Canadian companies have stayed silent and are complicit in the coup.

Photo of demonstrators in Tegucigalpa by Sandra Cuffe

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[es] blog Honduras Resiste entrevista a lidereza del movimiento social y del COPINH, Berta Caceres

[entrevista conducida, trascrita, traducida y publicada por el blog Honduras Resists / Honduras Resiste: http://hondurasresists.blogspot.com/%5D

Entrevisa con Berta Cáceres: “Si el pueblo no le apoyaba no lo habrían tenido que golpear”

Honduras Resists /Honduras Resiste Entrevista con Berta Cáceres, Consejo Civico de Organizaciones Populares e Indígenas de Honduras (COPINH)

Honduras Resists / Honduras Resiste: ¿En que estado se encuentra la resistencia contra el golpe después de dos semanas?

Berta Cáceres: La resistencia del pueblo hondureño ha sido firme y heróica no solamente en Tegucigalpa sino en todo el territorio nacional. Precisamente hoy vinieron cientos más compañeros del occidente de tan lejos que 500 kilómetros. En Olancho el ejército ametrallaba las llantas de los buses que venían haciendo los pasajeros caminar días para llegar a Tegucigalpa. Llegan más y más compañeros de todas partes, todos departamentos, todas regiones del país con cada día que pasa. Hoy hubo marchas en Olancho, Santa Bárbara, Cortés, Progreso, Tela, Comayagua, Intibucá y muchos más lugares también. En todo el territorio nacional esta resistencia continúa creciendo.

Por su parte, el ejército ha tenido cordones en todas partes del país. Hay que recordar que estamos enfrentando una oligarquía ultra derechista no solamente de honduras, sino de todo el continente queriendo impedir a todos procesos de emancipación liderados por los pueblos del continente. Este golpe no ha sido solamente contra el pueblo de Honduras y de Zelaya sino contra todos los pueblos que comparten nuestro sueño de crear otro mundo, un mundo donde se puede contar con las necesidades básicas, con el respecto a los derechos humanos, con el derecho de la participación popular en el gobierno.

Hemos llenado ya varias veces la plaza del parque central de Tegucigalpia. Hay vigilias de homenaje al compañero caído, originario de Olancho, Isis Obed Murillo. Para la semana que viene vamos a tomar 3 días de reacomodo, fortalecimiento y preparación por una enorme acción esa misma semana. Llamamos otra vez a que se hagan presentes aquí en nuestro país la solidaridad internacional para ser testigos de lo que pasa y vigilar los abusos de derechos humanos. A las organizaciones internacionales como la OEA y la ONU las agradecemos sus resoluciones pero necesitamos que esas resoluciones se concretizan adentro de nuestro pais.

HR: ¿Cuál es su perspectiva sobre la naturaleza del gobierno golpista?

BC: Hay que subrayar que estamos enfrentando un gobierno altamente represiva y ultra-derechista. Los golpistas incluyen muchos personajes bien conocidos por su papel en las escuadrones de muerte de décadas pasadas, entrenados por los Estados Unidos en la Escuela de las Américas o Escuela de Asesinos como la llamamos. Están presente aquí mafias ultra derechistas de todo el continente. Por ejemplo Robert Carmona, de los grupos terroristas anti-cubanos de Miami, hermano del presidente de facto durante el golpe de estado en Venezuela, está en nuestro país. El día de ayer estuvo haciendo reuniones con el congreso nacional. Los golpistas representan los más ricos del país y de toda América Latina, quienes han mantenidas relaciones estrechas con la CIA por décadas.

HR: ¿Cuales son los objetivos del movimiento de resistencia?

BC: Esta lucha no solo va por la restitución sino es para concretizar un proyecto de democracia participativa, re-fundando el país con una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. Estas son los grandes objetivos de nuestra resistencia. Una de las causas del golpe militar fue que el presidente estaba orientando a un proceso de consulta del pueblo por una nueva constitución a favor del pueblo.

Pero eso no se puede lograr bajo el gobierno de facto actual. Ahorita en este momento hay represión tremenda de nuestro libre expresión, de nuestra movilización, no se puede hablar de la asamblea en las radios. Se nos han cortado nuestra voz. Hay una campaña mediática agresiva y manipuladora llevada acabo por los golpistas quienes incluyen Sr. Jorge Canahuati Larach, dueño de los dos periódicos principales del país La Prensa y El Heraldo. Así que no puede haber condiciones por este proceso hasta lograr la restitución de nuestra democracia.

Por eso el primer objetivo de la resistencia es expulsar a los golpistas y restituir el presidente y luego tener una Asamblea Constituyente que plantea el respeto por la diversidad, la recuperación de nuestros recursos, la protección de la biodiversidad, las autonomías indígenas, la soberanía alimentaria, los derechos de las mujeres, de jóvenes, de todos los sectores oprimidos del pueblo hondureño.

HR: Explique más sobre el papel de los medios de comunicación en este golpe…

BC: Desde antes del golpe de estado los medios de comunicación llevaban meses y meses de una campaña mediática de desviar el proceso de lucha por la asamblea constituyente, porque los medios de comunicación pertenecen a esas personas que temen perder su poder económico y político en el país.

El mito principal que han lanzado ante el publico hondureño tanto como el extranjero, es la idea de que el proceso de re-fundación del país, el sueño de una democracia participativa concretizada en la propuesta del pueblo por una asamblea constituyente, es solamente un planteamiento del Presidente Zelaya para quedar en el poder. Una re-elección no es para el decidir sino para el pueblo. Cuando se hablaba de la re-fundación del país no se trataba de la re-elección de el sino las grandes temas sociales ya mencionadas, de la emancipación de nuestro pueblo honduras como parte del proyecto emancipador del continente.

Los medios mientan diciendo que el no tenia mucho apoyo del pueblo. Eso no es cierto, el golpe fue porque sabían que el pueblo le apoya a el y a la propuesta de una asamblea constituyente. Él había logrado 70% de popularidad, jamas un presidente había tenido ese tipo de apoyo. Tenia un simpatía mayor que los candidatos oficiales de los partidos en el poder. Entonces es por eso que tenían que golpear. Si el pueblo no le apoyaba no habían tenido que golpear.

Este golpe va mas allá del país de Honduras. Los medios de comunicación de mucho del continente difunden las mismas mentiras de que el pueblo no le apoya a Zelaya, que el golpe se dio por una violación de la constitución, como si algo tiene que ver con la democracia el gobierno de facto que tanto nos esta reprimiendo, cortando nuestras voces, matando y deteniendo a nuestra gente, imponiendo un estado de sitio, un toque de queda, congelando las cuentas bancarias de muchas organizaciones y personas, usando la prensa nacional como voz propia.

HR: ¿En su opinión cuál fue el papel jugado por el gobierno norteamericano en el golpe?

BC: Estuvo una gente de la CIA aquí una noche antes del golpe. Los llevaron aquí bajo una gran operación de seguridad. El departamento de estado admite que reunió con los lideres del golpe la semana anterior. Estamos claros que hay involucramiento del sector ultra-derecha del gobierno norteamericano. Creo que Barack Obama tiene una mente mas abierta, mas progresista, pero claro que la ultra-derecha y la industria militar de EE.UU todavía mantiene relaciones de colaboración con los militares que fueron entrenados por ellos y con el élite que siempre ha sido aliado con ellos. Ellos se decidían golpear no solamente al Presidente Zelaya sino nuestros procesos de integración verdadero de los pueblos con iniciativas como el ALBA. Decidían golpear los procesos emancipadoras por temor de la participación del pueblo.

HR: ¿Cuáles hechos del Presidente Zelaya le ganaron tantos enemigos dentro del ejército, congreso y corte suprema?

Él no tiene una historia de luchador social pero cómo el mismo nos dijo, desde el inicio del gobierno sintió que los sectores de poder estaban molestos porque no era fácil para ellos controlarle como los demás políticos, se encontraban con alguien diferente que pensaban que iba a ser más manipulable. Desde su primer intervención dijo cosas claves como no más concesiones mineras, promesa que ha cumplido, enfrentando la destrucción y explotación de nuestros recursos naturales por el beneficio de empresas transnacionales. Intervino también para impedir un monopolio energético, ha metido a Honduras en PetroCaribe, ha caminado hacia la nacionalización con los tanques de combustible, lo cual no prospero en el poder judicial por los grandes intereses que lo controlan. Integró a Honduras en la Alternativa Bolivariana de las Américas (ALBA), un proyecto diplomático diferente, solidario, basado en la participación, lo cual ha beneficiado directamente al pueblo hondureño. Ha rechazado muchas de las recomendaciones del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI). El estado del docente fue aprobada contrario al deseo del FMI. También subió el salario mínimo de los trabajadores, una reforma bien necesitada por los obreros. Ese mismo día recibía 450 demandas de los empresarios. También rechazó los credenciales del embajador gringo en solidaridad con Bolivia ante la intervención de Estados Unidos en sus asuntos internos, exigiendo abiertamente respecto a la economía de América Latina. Ha apoyado proyectos de integración como la idea de un banco común de América Latina, la consolidación de relaciones diplomáticas con Cuba, Venezuela, El Salvador, Nicaragua, etc.. Durante su presidencia se ha incrementado la ayuda médica y educacional de cuba. Ahora Micheletti ha obligado salir mas que 350 maestros cubanos que estaban alfabetizando a la población pobre y amenaza expulsar mas que 300 médicos cubanos.

Pero mas que nada, el pueblo le ha apoyado porque ha sido el único presidente dispuesto de romper con la manipulación tradicional de la oligarquía hondureña y escuchar las propuestas alternativas del pueblo pobre, del movimiento social, de los que luchan por los derechos de las mujeres, de las indígenas, de los trabajadores, de los campesinos, de todos los sectores que hasta recientemente fueron completamente excluidos de la política nacional, marginados y olvidados. Hemos avanzado tanto no podemos dejar esta lucha por una democracia participativa que nos abre caminos para el cambio profundo de las condiciones de nuestra gente.

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